"They called me the 'eternal opposition' within (Orban's party) Fidesz," he told AFP soon after bursting into prominence in 2024 as the government faced a presidential pardon scandal involving a child abuser's accomplice.

A skilful communicator -- on social media but also on the campaign trail -- the 45-year-old conservative has promised change, vowing to dismantle "brick by brick" Orban's whole political system he had deep ties to until very recently.

People who know Magyar personally say he is a perfectionist with a short temper but who will apologise for his shortcomings.

He has toured the nation almost non-stop over the past two years promising to curb graft and fix public services, propelling his TISZA party -- a portmanteau for respect and freedom -- to the top of the polls.

His status as a former government insider contributed to his meteoric rise, according to Andrzej Sadecki, lead analyst at the Warsaw-based Centre for Eastern Studies (OSW).

"He sounds more convincing to some former Fidesz voters when he says the system is rotten from within," the expert told AFP.

"In a way, Magyar is like Orban 20 years ago without all the baggage, the corruption and the mistakes made in power."

- 'Courageous' -

Born into a family of prominent conservatives, Magyar was fascinated with politics from an early age.

During his university years, he befriended Gergely Gulyas -- Orban's current chief of staff -- and met Judit Varga, whom he married in 2006 and who later became justice minister under Orban.

After a stint in Brussels, where Magyar served as a diplomat dealing with EU matters, the family moved back to Hungary in 2018.

Magyar then headed the state's student loan provider and sat on the board of multiple other state companies.

Magyar and Varga, who have three children, divorced in 2023.

Largely unknown to the public, Magyar shot to prominence when a scandal over the pardoning of a convicted child abuser's accomplice shook the government in early 2024, leading to the resignation of the president, as well as Varga's retirement from politics.

Although Magyar brushed off a question about his political aspirations back then as a "bad (idea), even as a joke", weeks later he organised his first rally, attracting tens of thousands.

Magyar quickly became seen as "courageous, action-orientated and willing to take personal risks," Veronika Kovesdi, media expert at Budapest-based ELTE university, told AFP.

His social media messaging "emotionally resonated" with his followers, granting him an "unparalleled organic reach", said Kovesdi, adding many supporters see him as a "hero, tirelessly fighting for them".

The former insider took over the previously unknown TISZA so he could legally run in the 2024 European elections, leading it to second place behind the ruling coalition.

As his popularity has skyrocketed, Magyar has faced a "tsunami of hatred and lies" as he put it, ridiculing some claims and denying others, including domestic abuse accusations from Varga.

These attacks "helped further legitimise him as a leader who is truly capable of bringing about change" according to Kovesdi.

- 'Chance for change' -

Magyar has promised to crack down on corruption, improve public services such as healthcare and carry out reforms required to unfreeze billions of euros in EU funds earmarked for Hungary.

On foreign policy, he has vowed to make the country a reliable NATO ally and EU member, while being critical of Russia, with which Orban has sought close ties despite Moscow's invasion of Ukraine.

Like Orban, Magyar also rejects sending arms to Ukraine and opposes the country's quick EU integration, though he does not share Orban's hostile rhetoric towards Kyiv.

He has even stricter anti-immigration views than Orban, pledging he would end the government's guest worker programme.

Magyar's stance on LGBTQ rights is vague, but he emphasises he backs equality before the law.

Occasionally, he has had heated arguments with the media, lambasting outlets for "misplacing" their focus.

"As he was socialised in Fidesz, there are also doubts whether he can provide a genuine rupture with Orban's rule," analyst Sadecki said.

"Left-wing voters might not be fully happy with his agenda, but they still support him, because he represents the biggest chance for change," he added.